How Ruto’s Close Relations With the Church Were Put to Test in 2024

In the run-up to the 2022 General Election, President William Ruto’s camaraderie with the church blossomed to a point where several Kenyan voters were entirely convinced to vote for him based on his religious doctrine.

The events at the Bomas of Kenya on August 15 of the same year attracted criticism, particularly on how some church leaders like Anglican Church of Kenya Archbishop Jackson Ole Sapit chose to be present at an event whose outcomes had been protested.

Fast-forward to 2024, the friendship between Ruto and the church blossomed at the beginning of the year, with some reports from a section of the media suggesting that there was a special group of intercessors ideally positioned to help pray at State House in Nairobi.

The religious nature of the first families of Kenya was a major debate, especially their sentiments on how they envisioned transforming Kenya into a God-fearing nation.

It was common in 2024 to see a group of religious leaders hold meetings with Ruto at State House Nairobi. The President even revealed that he once wanted to be an evangelist. On this, he gave an example of the reason why he usually stands on car roofs while addressing citizens during his tours across the country. According to him, that is part of a deep divine call that he has his eyes set on despite becoming a politician.

However, things took a sharp turn when the Kenya Conference of Catholic Bishops (KCCB) launched a scathing criticism of Ruto’s administration over allegations of rampant corruption, over-taxation, and unkept promises on November 14.

Addressing the press in Ruaraka Sub-County, Nairobi County, the bishops accused the government of failing to heed its initial promise of repaying the debt owed by the National Health Insurance Fund (NHIF) to faith-based organisations. 

In their statement, the church leaders also faulted the government’s decision to hike the missionary work permit.

The bishops also took a swipe at the Kenya Kwanza administration over its reluctance to constitute the Independence Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) despite several calls by different stakeholders over the same.

The events set the precedent for the fallout between Ruto and the church. Several church leaders who were initially viewed as pro-government, soon started calling out the government over what they termed as a culture of ‘corruption and lies.’

On Monday, November 19,  the relationship between the church and the state took a different and quite hostile trajectory when the Catholic Church rejected President William Ruto and Nairobi Governor Johnson Sakaja’s Ksh5.8 million donations made to a church in Soweto. 

On November 18, just four days after the Catholic bishops’ statement, religious leaders drawn from the Nyanza region threatened to mobilise Kenyans for civil disobedience over alleged oppression and mismanagement by Ruto’s administration.

ACK church leader Ole Sapit, soon after, joined the attacks on President William Ruto, raising speculations on what happened to what was once viewed as a close friendship between him and the church.

On December 3, Sapit directed the Bungoma bishop who accepted President William Ruto’s Ksh5 million donation to return the money. He claimed that the donation made by Bungoma Governor Kenneth Lusaka on behalf of the Head of State was an attempt to shame the Anglican Church.

The position of the church put the state and particularly the Office of the President in quite an unfamiliar position, with sources suggesting that there were efforts in high gear to try and reconcile the two.

This is the same year that the President gave directions on banning donations by State Officers on July 5, following the pressures from the antigovernment protestors, only for him to later come and donate money to churches.